When victory appears so close at hand, perhaps that’s why there are many Israelis who do not want hostage negotiations to succeed if it comes at the cost of keeping Hamas in power and giving in to its demands. Likewise, there is disregard for the opinions of Israel’s trade partners and political allies. Then there was this week’s storming of the Sde Teiman military detention facility in southern Israel, which holds many terrorists from Gaza.
“The spectacle of military police officers coming to arrest our best heroes at Sde Teiman is nothing less than shameful,” National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir said, as he headed to the prison in support of soldiers accused of mistreating prisoners. “I recommend that the defense minister, the chief of staff, and the army authorities back the fighters and learn from the prison service. The summer camps and patience for the terrorists are over.”
In their defense, the legal aid organization representing the four army reservists argued that the detainee attacked and bit the soldiers while he was being transferred from Ofer Prison to Sde Teiman last month.
Expressing support for the accused soldiers, a crowd of nationalist Israelis broke through the gate at Sde Teiman, carrying the flag and patriotic banners. Some of the demonstrators wore the green colors of military uniforms while masking their faces, accompanied by Likud Knesset Member Tally Gotliv.
The unprecedented action was compared by liberal critics of Israel’s ruling coalition to the January 6, 2021, riots in Washington, in which supporters of then-President Donald Trump stormed the Capitol to prevent the certification of election results in which Joe Biden was declared the winner. That crowd also carried flags and believed with sincerity that they were defending their country against an undemocratic usurpation of power. They also had dozens of lawmakers supporting their action and later calling for their pardoning.
“All the red lines were crossed today. MKs and ministers who participated in the invasion of violent militias into military bases constitute a message to the State of Israel: They are done with democracy, they are done with the rule of law,” opposition leader Yair Lapid said in a statement.
Looking at some of the images, there were young participants who had the look described by our columnist Shmuel Sackett nearly a month ago: “long pei’os, a gigantic kippah, and sandals with no socks. Why do they look like that?”
He described such people as “filled with incredible love for Hashem, and they are willing to sacrifice themselves for His honor.” Like my colleague, I support their vision of Israel having no restrictions on Jewish settlement, self-defense, and trust in Hashem, but having been raised in America with respect for the rule of law, I am not comfortable with unauthorized outposts, intimidation of secular and liberal individuals, and taking the law into their own hands.
Recognizing that the protests were getting out of control, Finance Minister Betzalel Smotrich defended the accused soldiers while calling on the crowds to “follow the law” and not fight against soldiers and police. Knesset Member Tzvi Sukkot was in that crowd, taking a loudspeaker to urge for restraint. “We have no other army, this is an important demonstration; let’s go outside and not fight with the soldiers.”
Looking back nearly 20 years ago when supporters of Gush Katif warned their compatriots about the danger of disengagement, they petitioned, filed lawsuits, blocked roads, had a human chain with 100,000 participants, but they did not raise their hands against fellow Jews. Religious Zionists continued to participate in elections, the military, and other institutions of the state.
Concerning allegations of abuse, the desire for revenge resulting from the massacre on October 7 is understandable, but it does not absolve Israel of its legal and moral responsibilities. Social media images posted by soldiers in which they are fooling around in Gaza, looting, and blowing up structures for fun does nothing for the hostages, Israeli security, ending this war, and rebuilding Gaza.
There is lingering outrage for the life-saving treatments that Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar received in an Israeli prison prior to his release in 2017, alongside 1,026 fellow inmates in exchange for Gilad Shalit. Israeli prisons do not rehabilitate hardened terrorists. Whether they are given amenities or punitive measures, they long to kill more Jews if given the opportunity.
Israelis cannot afford to turn on each other as their country is under attack by multiple enemies. The frustration felt by nationalists at the arrest of soldiers and the Supreme Court’s concern for the rights of detainees is understandable, but they must restrain themselves.
For much of Israel’s history, its nationalist camp was shaped by the legacy of Menachem Begin. Even as he was subjected to the harshest of insults, he was gracious. After suffering the loss of his comrades in the sinking of the Altalena, he urged his followers not to exact revenge. After his electoral victory, he compromised the settlements of the Sinai while strengthening Jewish communities in other post-1967 territories and maintaining deterrence against war by bombing the Iraqi nuclear reactor and dislodging the PLO from southern Lebanon. He excluded Rabbi Meir Kahane from his coalition, regarding his zealotry as harmful to the state.
Religious Zionism also viewed Rabbi Kahane’s approach as a threat to society, but in recent years, the political party that carries the movement’s name includes his followers, those who support unauthorized settlements, avenging the murder of Jews, and glorification of vigilantes. Can anyone imagine a Jewish state in which those who burn Palestinian homes are pardoned and celebrated as heroes? Would Yitzhak Rabin’s killer be next for a reevaluation?
“Backing and active participation of elected officials in riots in IDF bases, while issuing harsh statements against senior IDF officers, is a severe and extremely dangerous phenomenon that harms security, social cohesiveness, and Israel’s international reputation,” Defense Minister Yoav Gallant wrote to Netanyahu. “This dangerous phenomenon must be treated decisively and immediately.”
We mourn for the murder of Gedaliah ben Achikam by fasting, and likewise for the destruction of our Second Beis HaMikdash by the Romans following its occupation by zealots who had killed their compatriots. We cannot imagine the reborn Jewish state suffering a social breakdown at the hands of today’s zealots, which would inevitably inspire the resolve of our enemies to seek its destruction. We cannot imagine another day of fasting, self-reflection, and what could have been. We must maintain unity and reduce tensions among Jews.
By Sergey Kadinsky
